Lawyers -- United States -- Biography. Political refugees -- Germany -- Biography. Political refugees -- United States -- Biography. National socialism. Notes Includes index. Bibliography of the author's works: p.
View online Borrow Buy Freely available Show 0 more links None of your libraries hold this item. Found at these bookshops Searching - please wait We were unable to find this edition in any bookshop we are able to search. Oh no, here is what Eichmann tells us:. After the conference had been a[d]journed, Heydrich and Mueller still remained and I was also permitted to remain and then in this restricted get-together, Heydrich gave expression to his great satisfaction I already referred to before But Gerwarth has an answer ready, nothing that resembles the truth but he did realize that Heydrich could not be at two places, that far apart, at the same time.
He tells us:. Deschner provides one official source, but aside from that we have another confirmation.
Wolf Dieter Rothe writes:. Bierbaum Verlag Frankfurt , p. Berndt und Oberst v. Wedel, Januar A important political event was the appointment of a new government by Dr. Hacha on January 20, with the consent of Heydrich …At the reception in the castle Heydrich pointed out…. Rothe provides evidence that Heydrich was in Prague on the 19 th as well. The question has to be: Would Heydrich, who was in total control of his itinerary, schedule two important meetings for the same day, in the middle of winter, the locations hundreds of miles apart?
At that time, with the sky overcast, it would have been pitch dark at 4pm. Would it have been even possible to fly, given the conditions? With driving to Prague out of the question, why would Heydrich place himself in that predicament, why not pick a date after the inauguration of the new Czech government? Thus, the answer to the above has to be: No. From the testimony of secretary of state Dr.
This is a discussion of Jewish problems. In this connection Frank said, among other things:. I have started negotiations for deporting them to the East. In any case Jewish emigration on a large scale will begin. I ask you now, did the Governor General send you to Berlin for that conference; and if so, what was the subject of the conference?
I might say in advance that from the beginning Jewish questions in the Government General were considered as coming under the jurisdiction of the Higher SS and Police Leader and handled accordingly. The handling of Jewish matters by the state administration was supervised and merely tolerated by the Police. During the years and incredible numbers of people, mostly Jews, were brought into the Government General in spite of the objections and protests of the Governor General and his administration.
This completely unexpected, unprepared for, and undesired bringing in of the Jewish population from other territories put the administration of the Government General in an extremely difficult position. Accommodating these masses, feeding them, and caring for their health-combating epidemics for instance-almost, or rather, definitely overtaxed the capacity of the territory. Particularly threatening was the spread of typhus, not only in the ghettos but also among the Polish population and the Germans in the Government General.
It appeared as if that epidemic would spread even to the Reich and to the Eastern Front.
At that moment Heydrich's invitation to the Governor General was received. The conference was originally supposed to take place in November , but it was frequently postponed and it may have taken place in February Now comes the decisive word which has been mistranslated: "for a total solution," not "for a final solution. Should these come within the competence of other governmental departments, then such departments are to co-operate.
We know Heydrich was in Prague in the late afternoon of January 20, would he have been sipping cognac in the Berlin outskirts hours earlier, knowing that he had to be in Prague? Heydrich was a stickler for detail, he would therefore never have scheduled two meetings of that importance for the same day. The Wannsee story is just another lie. Login Become a volunteer. By Wilfried Heink. Published: By Wilfried Heink- When the state of Czechoslovakia was created following WWI — from parts of the broken up Austro-Hungarian Empire, part of the plan to render powerless German dominated middle Europe — the large minorities were to be given autonomy.
Robert Kempner, Ankläger einer Epoche (German Edition) - Kindle edition by Mario zur Löwen. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, PC, phones. Ankläger einer Epoche: Lebenserinnerungen (German Edition) [Robert M. W Kempner] on irelytuqypov.ml *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers.
Disorganize their military shipments! Finally, after a bit more prodding, Kempner opened a bottom drawer in his desk and asked innocently, Could this be it? LaFollette instantly realized how important the document was to his case: The Reich Ministry of Justice had sent a representative to this crucial meeting. Immediately, LaFollette stormed off to report the incident to Telford Taylor, the chief prosecutor of the trials, and demand that he fire the bastard! He told Taylor that the Ministries case would surely fall apart if Kempner were banished from Nuremberg, and besides, Kempner had only inadvertently kept the document to himself.
Which nobody believed, Ferencz wrote years later in a letter to Kempner. In any event, Taylor sided with his Ministries prosecutor. Kempner was not the only person in Nuremberg filing away original Nazi papers for his own private use.
Since the end of the war, the captured documents had been shipped among military document centers, flown to Paris and London and Washington to be studied by intelligence units, taken to Nuremberg for the war crimes trials. As the files zipped across Europe, souvenir hunters found plenty of opportunities to steal something on Nazi letterhead signed by someone important under the ubiquitous party sign-off: " Heil Hitler!
Those responsible for the safekeeping of the documents worried in particular about the prosecution staff in Nuremberg. They feared that those who requested papers were more influenced by private journalistic instincts than by a desire to further the cause of justice," as one army officer put it in a memo. Asked about the memo by a historian overseeing the publication of captured German documents after the war, Kempner recalled seeing it and suggested that some souvenir-hunter may have taken the original. By September , administrators at one of the military document centers had stopped lending originals to the prosecution teams in Nuremberg, fearing they would never get back the one thousand pieces of evidence they had already loaned out.
Throughout the trials, the Palace of Justice in Nuremberg was awash in paper. A survey completed in April found more than sixty-four thousand cubic feet of administrative files, press negatives and releases, a film library, courtroom recording tapes, interrogation report tapes, library books and other publications, original documents, photostats, copies of documents, document books, trial briefs, prisoner files, interrogation files, summaries of interrogation files, transcripts of all courts and staff evidence analysis. There was so much there that officials worried about original documents being unwittingly tossed in the trash.
It was, as Kempner wrote later in his memoir, a terrible mess —and he took advantage of the chaos. He said he feared that potentially explosive documents would not be properly archived, so he took it upon himself to make sure they were put to good use. Better to have a valuable historical asset in the hands of a trusted associate who would report on its contents, he thought, than to leave it in the hands of government bureaucrats who may or may not let it be destroyed.
All of the original seized German documents were supposed to be returned to military document centers after the trials, but Kempner wanted to use the documents he had collected to write articles and books about the Nazi era. On April 8, , a few days before the verdicts were handed down in the Ministries Trial, the prosecutor secured a one-paragraph letter from Fred Niebergall, director of the Document Division for the prosecution team: The undersigned authorizes Dr.
Robert M. It was an unusual memo. The very same day, Kempner mailed a letter to the E. Dutton publishing house, in New York, with a synopsis for a book based on his Nuremberg interrogations and the documents of the German Foreign Office, tentatively titled Hitler and His Diplomats. He had pitched the book in January, and an editor at Dutton expressed interest and asked for more details. Decades later in his memoirs, Kempner would explain his reasoning for taking documents from Nuremberg.
I knew one thing. If I ever wanted to write about something and had to contact archives, although I would have received nice replies, they would be unable to find some of the material. But I had my documents.
As a justification, it fell far short. What Kempner really wanted was an important advantage over other writers documenting the Nazi era: exclusivity. With his permission slip in hand, Kempner had his Nuremberg papers packed up and—along with whatever else he had accumulated during his time as a Nazi prosecutor—shipped across the Atlantic to his home outside Philadelphia.
The delivery arrived at the Lansdowne station of the Pennsylvania Railroad on November 4, twenty-nine boxes weighing more than eight thousand pounds. Hitler and His Diplomats never came together. It seems that Kempner got sidetracked. Instead, he found other ways to seek justice for the wrongs of the Third Reich.
He opened up a law office in Frankfurt and, among other legal work, began taking on cases of Nazi victims suing for restitution. He represented Emil Gumbel, a prominent mathematics professor at the University of Heidelberg who was forced out of his job because of his pacifist views. He represented Jews and Catholics and members of the Resistance.
It grew into a lucrative line of work. A decade after Nuremberg ended, prosecution of Nazi war criminals began anew. A trial in West Germany brought renewed attention to atrocities Germans believed they had left in the past. Ten Nazis were convicted of murdering more than five thousand Lithuanian Jews during the war, a case that spurred German justice ministers—alarmed that many perpetrators had escaped punishment after the war—to found a Central Office for the Investigation of Nazi Crimes in Ludwigsburg. At the same time, prosecutors outside Germany brought high-profile cases to trial.
In , Kempner returned to the international limelight when he flew to Jerusalem to testify in the trial of Adolf Eichmann, the man who had managed the deportation of the Jews from all over Europe. In a number of high-profile trials later in the decade, Kempner appeared as attorney for relatives of the victims. He represented the father of Anne Frank and the sister of Carmelite nun Edith Stein in a case against three SS officers charged in the extermination of thousands of Dutch Jews. He represented the widow of a pacifist journalist murdered by a Nazi storm trooper in He spoke for thirty thousand Berlin Jews in the trial of a Gestapo commander, Otto Bovensiepen, who orchestrated their deportation to the East.
Kempner capitalized on the renewed attention to Nazi crimes by writing a flurry of books about those and other prominent cases for German audiences. Although Kempner had become a naturalized American in , his books were not published in English, and he would always be better known in the land of his birth.
Four decades after Nuremberg, he was still at the ramparts. The battle against the Nazis came to define Kempner. He steadfastly refused to let the world forget what the perpetrators had done. If he was told that a former Nazi did not seem like such a bad person, he would open his files to prove otherwise. Literally thousands of murderers still are walking the streets of Germany and the world, he told a reporter once. How many Nazi criminals are still free?
Judge for yourself. Even with all the trials after the war, only a few thousand Germans were tried for murder. Can you tell me how some two thousand people managed to murder six to eight million? It is mathematically impossible. Thirty, forty, fifty years after the Nazi era, he refused to let it go. It was a fight he would wage until the very end of his life.
Even as Kempner shuttled between the United States and Europe maintaining his international legal affairs, he managed a complicated home life. Though his law firm was in Frankfurt, he had become a naturalized U. Robert Kempner and the secretary had carried on an affair in It was just simpler that way. Simpler, Lipton said, for Dr. The Kempner sons were too respectful to ask questions. I just accepted what my father said, Lucian explained, and beyond that it was not my business. After he moved to Sweden with his wife to run a farm at age twenty-nine, he sent his family regular letters in meticulous script.
I just want to thank you Father for being the most wonderful Dad to all of us, he wrote after Kempner and Lipton came to visit one year. It is never easy to tell you when I am with you, but I hope you will never underestimate the love and understanding I have for you and your work. Beginning in the s, Kempner lived in Europe full-time, splitting his time between Frankfurt, Germany, and Locarno, Switzerland.
He had a heart attack in —it came not long after a band of neo-Nazis protested outside his law office—and he grew too frail to travel overseas. Ruth Kempner and Lipton, still living in Pennsylvania, visited for weeks at a time, but otherwise the lawyer came to rely on yet another devoted woman. In , she followed a classmate to Germany, where she taught English to those hoping to emigrate. She had no idea what Hitler was doing to his enemies. On Kristallnacht, when the Nazis rampaged across Germany, destroying synagogues and Jewish shops and homes in , she slept soundly. She left Germany, worked in a brokerage in Buffalo, then became a typist in Washington— a government girl, as she put it—for the Office of Strategic Services.
One day in , Lester read in the Washington Post that translators would be needed for the war crimes trials in Nuremberg, and she went to the Pentagon to apply for a job. Soon she was headed back to Germany. She knew Kempner by reputation; she saw him dining at the Grand Hotel in Nuremberg, where practically everyone involved with the trials retired each night. She finally met him in , when he was recruiting staff for the later trials. She became his aide and often tagged along during interrogations, which seemed to alarm defendants. The rumor had gone around that I was a psychologist.
She also had the honor of being the person who translated the Wannsee Protocol into English for the American prosecutors. After the war, she worked for U. But she moonlighted with Kempner, who needed help translating correspondence and managing his practice.
It grew into a partnership that would last for the next four decades.
The last twenty years of his life, I was never separated, day or night, from Robert Kempner, she said. I was his nurse, his chauffeur, his secretary. She did not say it, but she, too, had been his mistress. Toward the end of his life, he lived in a hotel outside Frankfurt, where he and Lester slept in adjoining rooms with the door open. That way she would be close if anything happened to Kempner in the middle of the night.
Kempner died on August 15, , at the age of ninety-three. That week, Lipton had traveled from Pennsylvania to Germany to be with him. He died in my arms, Lester said.